Category Archives: Church History

Icky Eck: The Best the Papists Could Manage at Baden

To give modern readers an idea of how despised Eck was in the German speaking areas of Switzerland, Austria, and Germany, allow me a simple comparison:  Eck was to the Reformed and Protestant theologians of his day what Joel Osteen is to Reformed and Protestant Theologians today.  When he appeared at Disputations he was regularly defeated and his normal response was preening self importance.

So, who was this drivel of a man?

eckJohn Eck, more correctly Johann Maier, was born at Eck (now Egg, near Memmingen, south of Augsburg) in Swabia, November 13, 1486. When twelve years of age he began his studies at Heidelberg and continued them at Tuebingen, Cologne and Freiburg. When fourteen years of age he became Magister Artium, when nineteen bachelor of theology, when twenty-two priest at Strassburg, and in 1510, when twenty-four years, doctor and professor of theology in the University of Ingolstadt.

Having studied under humanistic teachers he advocated at first liberal views in theology and philosophy and as early as 1517 entered into friendly relations with Luther. But his unbounded ambition to be regarded as the leading theologian of Germany caused him to become the defender of the papacy and of Catholic doctrine. In 1519, he began his fight against Luther. In 1520, he visited Rome at the invitation of the Pope, when he presented to him his work on the Primacy of Peter against Luther, Ingolstadt 1520, for which he was awarded with the appointment as papal prothonotary. When on June 16, 1520, the papal bull, Exsurge Domine, appeared, in which forty-one propositions of Luther were condemned, Eck was entrusted with its execution in Germany.

At the Diet of Augsburg, Eck took a leading part as defender of the Roman Catholic position. He extracted 404 articles from the works of the reformers and with seventy other theologians collaborated in the Confutatio pontificia, in which the Catholic refutation of Protestantism was embodied.

Against Zwingli and his party, Eck first appeared at the public disputation at Baden, in Catholic territory, twelve miles northwest of Zurich, on May 21–June 18, 1526. The affair ended in favor of Eck, who induced the authorities to suppress the reformation at Baden. The dispution of Berne, which was conducted in the absence of Eck in January 1528, was won for the reformation.

When Zwingli’s account of his faith had been submitted to the emperor in July 1530, it was turned over to Eck for answer. He sat down at once and within three days, as he boasts, he produced what he intended to be a crushing reply. It was completed on July 17, 1530, dedicated to the Cardinal of Liege and printed most likely in the same month at Augsburg.

Eck was more highly esteemed as the champion of the true faith in Rome than in Germany, where he had many enemies. He was accused of drunkenness, immorality, unbounded greed for money and passionate desire for honor and preferment. When Rome did not gratify all his ambitions, he made overtures for peace to the Protestants, but they failed through hatred and contempt by which he was generally regarded.*

John Eck- self aggrandizing Papist tool.**
__________________
*The Latin Works of Huldreich Zwingli. (Vol. 2, pp. 62–63).
** For further reading: Die Einladung Zwinglis an Johann Eck zum Berner Religionsgespräch: Ein ungedruckter Zwinglibrief  — PDF

Johannes Eck, Enchiridion locorum communium adversus Lutherum et alios hostes ecclesiae (1525-1543), mit den Zusätzen von Tilman Smeling O.P. (1529, 1532), hg. von Pierre Fraenkel, in Verbindung mit dem Institut d’Histoire de la Réformation Genf, Münster i.W. 1979 (Corpus catholicorum, Werke katholischer Schriftsteller im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung 34). — PDF

Die Badener Disputation von 1526

9783290177577Die im Rahmen einer Eidgenössischen Tagsatzung vom 19. Mai bis 8. Juni 1526 im aargauischen Baden in deutscher Sprache abgehaltene Disputation war ein Grossereignis der Reformationszeit, vergleichbar der Leipziger Disputation 1519 und dem Reichstag zu Worms 1521, und von entscheidender Bedeutung für den weiteren Verlauf der Schweizer Geschichte. Sie war der mit der österreichischen Regierung und dem Bischof von Konstanz abgestimmte Versuch der damals noch mehrheitlich altgläubigen schweizerischen Orte, Zwingli zum Schweigen zu bringen und Zürich zurückzugewinnen. Über Realpräsenz, Messopfer, Heiligenverehrung, Bilder und Fegfeuer stritten Johannes Eck auf katholischer und (anstelle Zwinglis) Johannes Oekolampad und andere auf reformierter Seite. 

badenJetzt liegt erstmals ein kritisch edierter Text vor – samt Sprach- und Sachkommentar, einer historischen sowie einer philologischen Einleitung und einem bio-bibliografischen Verzeichnis von ca. 60 der namentlich bekannten rund 200 Teilnehmer: eine erstrangige Quelle für Historiker, Theologen und Germanisten.

It’s available from TVZ or, in North America, ISD.  And, if you’re in Switzerland, there will be a formal presentation of the book on the 19th of May.  All the details are available here.

The disputation which took place at Baden was extremely important for the development of the Reformation in Switzerland.  As Philip Schaff notes

The disputation was opened in the Catholic city of Baden, in Aargau, May 21, 1526, and lasted eighteen days, till the 8th of June. The cantons and four bishops sent deputies, and many foreign divines were present. The Protestants were a mere handful, and despised as “a beggarly, miserable rabble.” Zwingli, who foresaw the political aim and result of the disputation, was prevented by the Council of Zurich from leaving home, because his life was threatened; but he influenced the proceedings by daily correspondence and secret messengers. No one could doubt his courage, which he showed more than once in the face of greater danger, as when he went to Marburg through hostile territory, and to the battlefield at Cappel. But several of his friends were sadly disappointed at his absence. He would have equalled Eck in debate and excelled him in biblical learning. Erasmus was invited, but politely declined on account of sickness.

The arrangements for the disputation and the local sympathies were in favor of the papal party. Mass was said every morning at five, and a sermon preached; the pomp of ritualism was displayed in solemn processions. The presiding officers and leading secretaries were Romanists; nobody besides them was permitted to take notes.1 The disputation turned on the real presence, the sacrifice of the mass, the invocation of the Virgin Mary and of saints, on images, purgatory, and original sin. Dr. Eck was the champion of the Roman faith, and behaved with the same polemical dexterity and overbearing and insolent manner as at Leipzig: robed in damask and silk, decorated with a golden ring, chain and cross; surrounded by patristic and scholastic folios, abounding in quotations and arguments, treating his opponents with proud contempt, and silencing them with his stentorian voice and final appeals to the authority of Rome. Occasionally he uttered an oath, “Potz Marter.” A contemporary poet, Nicolas Manuel, thus described his conduct:—

“Eck stamps with his feet, and claps his hands,
He raves, he swears, he scolds;
‘I do,’ cries he, ‘what the Pope commands,
And teach whatever he holds.’ ”

Schaff continues

Oecolampadius of Basle and Haller of Berne, both plain and modest, but able, learned and earnest men, defended the Reformed opinions. Oecolampadius declared at the outset that he recognized no other rule of judgment than the Word of God. He was a match for Eck in patristic learning, and in solid arguments. His friends said, “Oecolampadius is vanquished, not by argument, but by vociferation.”1 Even one of the Romanists remarked, “If only this pale man were on our side!” His host judged that he must be a very pious heretic, because he saw him constantly engaged in study and prayer; while Eck was enjoying rich dinners and good wines, which occasioned the remark, “Eck is bathing in Baden, but in wine.”

The papal party boasted of a complete victory. All innovations were forbidden; Zwingli was excommunicated; and Basle was called upon to depose Oecolampadius from the pastoral office. Faber, not satisfied with the burning of heretical books, advocated even the burning of the Protestant versions of the Bible. Thomas Murner, a Franciscan monk and satirical poet, who was present at Baden, heaped upon Zwingli and his adherents such epithets as tyrants, liars, adulterers, church robbers, fit only for the gallows! He had formerly (1512) chastised the vices of priests and monks, but turned violently against the Saxon Reformer, and earned the name of “Luther-Scourge” (Lutheromastix). He was now made lecturer in the Franciscan convent at Lucerne, and authorized to edit the acts of the Baden disputation.

The result of the Baden disputation was a temporary triumph for Rome, but turned out in the end, like the Leipzig disputation of 1519, to the furtherance of the Reformation.

I cite this rather long passage in order to set the stage for the volume presently under consideration. It is, after all, best to return to the sources themselves, no matter how useful and insightful secondary sources may be. Schaff’s work is impressive, but it pales to insignificance in comparison to the first hand accounts. And that is exactly what this impressive book amply provides.

This very large volume weighs in at over 700 pages and is comprised of a Foreword, a thorough list of abbreviations, a historical introduction (from pages 27- 200), a philological introduction (pp. 249-253), the Baden Disputation texts (the first hand accounts of the events which took place at Baden and the reactions of those who were there) (pp. 249-542).  There next follows a series of indices covering the biblical text, persons, places, and authorities and sources (pp. 543-642).  Finally there’s a marvelously useful and really immensely interesting biography/ bibliography of all the major persons discussed in the texts.

The volume also contains a number of illustrations.  The book is festooned with valuable footnotes which direct readers to the copious literature available from the Disputation’s participants and witnesses.  Indeed, there are enough footnotes to make even the most meticulously minded Germanic scholar proud.

The amount of work it took for the editors to produce this volume is staggering.  From sifting through original hand written ‘minutes’ taken during the disputation itself to the examination of the official and not so official protocols later published by the Catholic and the Reformed participants and adherents must have taken many years to achieve.  Yet the careful scholarship pays huge dividends for Reformation researchers and students of history.

Extremely interesting especially to the present reviewer is the material presented in the historical introduction concerning Zwingli’s absence from the proceedings themselves and yet his presence through swiftly transported letters from Zurich to Baden and back.  Zwingli’s absence was not his wish but that of the Zurich council which knew that, had he gone, some harm would have befallen him.  As we read on page 101

Zwingli hatte sicherlich keine Angst vor einem Zusammentreffen und einen Kräftemessen mit Eck, aber die Badener Disputation hatte von Anfang an den  Charakter einer gegen ihn gerichteten Aktion und stand von Anfang an unter dem Vorzeichen einer altgläubigen Dominanz.

The texts of the disputation are presented in 16th century Swiss German but there are sufficient notes to assist modern German readers to comprehend the unusual vocabulary and orthography.

This volume is an utterly remarkable and thoroughly commendable work.  The Reformation cry Ad Fontes is here realized in an amazing way.

If I were to recommend any improvement at all it would be to add a cd-rom with the contents of the protocols (at least) on them so that searching any term or phrase would be quite simple and easily accomplished.  Several of the volumes published by TVZ contain cd’s (I’m thinking of the records of the Reformation in Zurich and Basle in particular).  Such a tool would add significantly to the already significant usefulness of this volume.

Still, I love this book.  It is scholarly, it is meticulous, it is brilliant.

The Opening of the Baden Disputation

The disputation was opened in the Catholic city of Baden, in Aargau, May 21, 1526, and lasted eighteen days, till the 8th of June. The cantons and four bishops sent deputies, and many foreign divines were present. The Protestants were a mere handful, and despised as “a beggarly, miserable rabble.” Zwingli, who foresaw the political aim and result of the disputation, was prevented by the Council of Zurich from leaving home, because his life was threatened; but he influenced the proceedings by daily correspondence and secret messengers. No one could doubt his courage, which he showed more than once in the face of greater danger, as when he went to Marburg through hostile territory, and to the battlefield at Cappel. But several of his friends were sadly disappointed at his absence. He would have equalled Eck in debate and excelled him in biblical learning. Erasmus was invited, but politely declined on account of sickness.

The arrangements for the disputation and the local sympathies were in favor of the papal party. Mass was said every morning at five, and a sermon preached; the pomp of ritualism was displayed in solemn processions. The presiding officers and leading secretaries were Romanists; nobody besides them was permitted to take notes. The disputation turned on the real presence, the sacrifice of the mass, the invocation of the Virgin Mary and of saints, on images, purgatory, and original sin. Dr. Eck was the champion of the Roman faith, and behaved with the same polemical dexterity and overbearing and insolent manner as at Leipzig: robed in damask and silk, decorated with a golden ring, chain and cross; surrounded by patristic and scholastic folios, abounding in quotations and arguments, treating his opponents with proud contempt, and silencing them with his stentorian voice and final appeals to the authority of Rome. Occasionally he uttered an oath, “Potz Marter.” A contemporary poet, Nicolas Manuel, thus described his conduct:—

“Eck stamps with his feet, and claps his hands,
He raves, he swears, he scolds;
‘I do,’ cries he, ‘what the Pope commands,
And teach whatever he holds.’ ”

Schaff continues a brilliant description which is very much worth reading.

The Day Tyndale was Tricked, and Arrested

This just reinforces my firm belief that people cannot be trusted. Especially ‘friends’.

Refo500 Meeting

The Eighth Annual RefoRC Conference is hosted by the University of Warsaw and will take place May 24-26, 2018.
Theme of Plenary Lectures: Reformation and Education

The Reformation was closely tied to the renovation of educational models from its very beginning. By questioning the model of the medieval university and establishing new pedagogical solutions, early modern scholars and teachers shaped subsequent generations of clergy and laity, enabling them to work for their local communities and engage in the public sphere. Often these educational agendas went well beyond changes in curricula and were oriented towards much deeper goals, such as the shaping of confessional identity or the achieving of universal religious peace through the advancement of learning. As one of the leading research and educational institutions in Poland and East-Central Europe, the University of Warsaw is the perfect venue to ask further questions about the complex relations between early modern religious and pedagogical reforms. The plenary papers will offer a multi-faceted approach to this topic and will be accompanied by a series of short papers discussing all kinds of subjects related to the history of the Reformation. The aim of the conference is thus to broaden and contextualize the intersections between religious and educational reform.

The English Bible in the Early Modern World

The English Bible in the Early Modern World addresses the most significant book available in the English language in the centuries after the Reformation, and investigates its impact on popular religion and reading practices, and on theology, religious controversy and intellectual history between 1530 and 1700. Individual chapters discuss the responses of both clergy and laity to the sacred text, with particular emphasis on the range of settings in which the Bible was encountered and the variety of responses prompted by engagement with the Scriptures. Particular attention is given to debates around the text and interpretation of the Bible, to an emerging Protestant understanding of Scripture and to challenges it faced over the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

More.

Lightning and the Reformation

Over at the University of Zurich-

Ein Blitz beeinflusst den Nachrichtenaustausch in der Reformation

Brand des Zürcher Grossmünsters nach einem Blitzeinschlag am 7. Mai 1572 in den Glockenturm. Quelle: Wick, Johann Jakob: [Sammlung von Nachrichten zur Zeitgeschichte aus den Jahren 1560-87 (mit älteren Stücken)]. Zentralbibliothek Zürich, Ms. F 21, 142v–143r. (Bild: Zentralbibliothek Zürich)

Der Zürcher Reformator Heinrich Bullinger korrespondierte in ganze Europa, seine Briefe dokumentierten die Geschichte und Kultur während der Reformation. Eine Ausstellung an der Universität Zürich samt Publikation und Rahmenprogramm zeigt, welchen Einfluss Zwinglis Nachfolger auf die damalige Deutung von Ereignissen hatte.

Am 7. Mai 1572 entlädt sich – nach Jahren extremer Wetterlagen und Ernteausfällen – auch noch der Himmel über Zürich und ein Blitz schlägt ins Grossmünster ein, das Epizentrum der Zürcher Reformation. Was heute als Naturphänomen verstanden wird, war in Zeiten konfessioneller Richtungskämpfe als Zeichen Gottes interpretiert worden. Erste Gerüchte machten die Runde, die im Blitzschlag einen göttlichen Fingerzeig gegen die Zürcher Kirchenoberen sahen. Heinrich Bulliger, Zwinglis Nachfolger als Reformator, erkannte die Gefahr von Fehlinterpretationen und verschickte Briefe, in denen er das Ereignis relativierte. Seine sachlichen Schilderungen schrieb er auf ein separates Blatt, das von Hand kopiert und weitergereicht werden konnte. So griff Bullinger möglichen Falschmeldungen vor und wahrte die Deutungshoheit über den «göttlichen» Blitzschlag.

Read the whole!

Johann Froben, Printer of Basel: A Biographical Profile and Catalogue of His Editions

In Johann Froben, Printer of Basel, Valentina Sebastiani offers a comprehensive account of the life and printing production of Froben, a major representative of early modern Europe’s most refined printing traditions. Some five centuries after they first appeared in print, Sebastiani provides a bibliography of the 329 Froben editions published in Basel between 1491 and 1527 (including an analysis of some 2,500 copies held in more than twenty-five libraries worldwide), listing the paratextual and visual elements that distinguish Froben’s books as well as economic, technical, and editorial details related to their production and distribution. Sebastiani’s study sheds new light on Froben’s family and career, his involvement in the editing and publication of Erasmus’ works, and the strategies he adopted to market them successfully.

Folk who love the history of the Church and who love books and who love the art of printing will be interested in this, I think.

The volume is comprised of two major divisions.  In the first, a biography of Froben is provided.  In two chapters.  In the first, readers are introduced to the early life of Froben and in the second Froben’s work with Erasmus is the center of focus.

The second major division makes up 9/10ths of the book and is a meticulous listing of everything Froben ever printed from 1491 through 1527.  This catalog is thoroughly annotated and each includes title, contents, cost, and other historical data.

The volume also includes manuscripts of doubtful Froben-ian provenance, illustrations of title page border frames, printer’s devices, a bibliography of Froben, a general bibliography, an index of authors, contributors, editors, and translators, an index of works, an index of various catalogues, and indices of the title page frames and printer’s devices as well.  Finally, there is an index of libraries and archives. From the portrait of Froben at the opening of the volume to the final page of the index, this volume is a real goldmine of historical material.

To illustrate the author’s style I’d like to cite a fairly long section from the introduction, for two reasons: first, it provides a suitable example of the writer’s style and second it tells potential readers precisely what is in store for them between the covers of this tome:

Johann Froben’s name is a shining star in the firmament of scholarly and humanist publishing in Europe’s Early Modern Age. The authority and magnificence of the books he produced in Basel between 1491 and 1527 are well known—and not solely to specialists in the printed book. For nearly fifteen  years, the key concepts of modernity elaborated by the “Prince of Humanists”, Erasmus of Rotterdam, were advanced beneath the emblem of the caduceus which, like a modern corporate logo, was instantly recognisable as the symbol of Froben’s press. Froben’s publishing program met with success on the international book market, and most of the volumes that Froben published—classics in Latin and Greek, the seminal texts of the Church Fathers, the Bible, and the latest titles in the humanistic tradition—sold exceptionally well. Indeed, Froben reprinted them two, three, four, or even as many as eleven times to satisfy the enormous demands of his European scholarly readers. Notwithstanding the exemplary contribution to the history of print and to European culture that Johann Froben and his work represent, little is known about this representative of the most refined publishing house in early modern Europe. Although the scholarship in this area is substantial, it has offered a somewhat ambiguous image of Froben or, in any case, an unfocused one. Nor has a comprehensive bibliography of Froben’s publications ever been prepared, though such a work has long been a desideratum for a wide community of scholars in the multiple fields of Renaissance and Reformation studies, the history of the book, and Erasmus studies. This book aims to fill that gap.

This volume is a shining star in historical studies.  Readers will learn so very much about so important an artist and will come away from the experience fully inspired and totally appreciative of those giants upon whose shoulders all academics today stand.

Be advised, though: this is a gigantic book at over 900 pages.  The work takes effort.  But it rewards in spades.

Newest Issue of JEMC

De Gruyter and RefoRC are proud to announce volume 5, issue 1 of the Journal of Early Modern Christianity (JEMC). The journal contributes to interdisciplinary, interconfessional, and comparative research on Early Modern Christianity.

Source.  And more.

Calvin on the Schismatics and their Insulting Words About Zwingli and Oecolampadius

Melanchthon showed Calvin an anti-Zwingli anti-Oecolampadius pamphlet written by a schismatic and Calvin remarked

What good purpose could it serve to assault the Zwinglians every third line, and to attack Zwingli himself in such an unmannerly style?   And not even to spare Oecolampadius, that holy servant of God, whom I wish that he resembled, even in being half as good, in which case he would certainly stand far higher in my esteem than he does. O God of grace, what pleasant sport and pastime do we afford to the Papists, as if we had hired ourselves to do their work!”

The last line means that Calvin saw these schismatics as doing more harm to the Reformation than the Papists could ever hope.

“Baptists in America”: The Newest Issue of ‘Christian History Magazine’

You can read it here.

Fun Facts from Church History

He Had a Weak Stomach, And He Liked to Make up Dates Too…

Fun Facts From Church History

Refo500 Switzerland Tour

If you’re interested in visiting Switzerland and want to go with a well guided group, trip.  There are, I hear, a few slots left.

On The Anniversary of The German Book-Burning of 10 May, 1933

It may be important- nay- it is important to learn that

buecherverbrennungDoch anders als viele Menschen denken, wurden sie nicht von der NSDAP oder einem Ministerium organisiert, sondern von der Deutschen Studentenschaft, die sich, so vermuten Wissenschaftler, damit den Nationalsozialisten andienen wollten.

German students came up with the bright idea to burn all those books.  Remarkable.  One of the most senseless acts of Nazi history wasn’t thought up by the leadership- it was an act of University students…  the very people who ought to know better.

The essay from which that snippet is drawn is very much worth reading it its entirety.

‘To Hell in a Handcart’

Missal, France ca. 1470-1475 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, MS 425, fol. 196v), showing the Medieval notion of demons coming to collect a soul from an impious sinner and taking it to hell in a handcart.  At a later period of time, the phrase was recast as ‘to hell in a handbasket’.

The Birth of Heresy

WHEN THE CURATORS OF LEYDEN UNIVERSITY (in the town of the same name in the Netherlands) appointed Jacob Arminius as professor of theology on this day, 8 May 1603, they did not realize what a controversy they were creating. It initially seemed they had made a great choice. Arminius was not only well-educated, but a popular preacher in Amsterdam. In fact, the real difficulty was getting Amsterdam to let him go. He had a lifelong contract with a church there. Furthermore, he said that he found too much theological study dried up his personal spiritual life.

Arminius considered himself a Calvinist, but he was not comfortable with the strict Calvinist view of predestination. Strict Calvinists believed Christ died only for the elect. Arminius held that Christ died for all, although not all would be saved. Not wanting to stir up trouble, when he had to lecture on the topic, he presented a wide range of Scripture with minimal comment. However, by presenting Scriptures that declared that Christ died for all men, he challenged the strict position. He also argued that people have genuine free will and that God’s grace is in most cases resistible, against the strict Calvinist claim of irresistible grace.

Etc.

Source.

Resistance: The Dusseldorf Manifesto, 1933

Barth and the Barmen Declaration were just a few of those engaged in opposing the German Christians (the pro-Nazi party).  There were pockets of resistance all across Germany, including in the important city of Dusseldorf.

Im Mai 1933 trafen sich in Düsseldorf reformierte Theologen und Gemeindevertreter aus dem Rheinland und beschlossen eine theologische Erklärung, die aus 14 Thesen zur Gestalt der Kirche bestand.

Sie wollten insbesondere dem reformierten Vertreter in dem Ausschuss zur Neuordnung des deutschen Protestantismus, Hermann Albert Hesse, eine Hilfe für seine Arbeit geben – sei es im Sinne einer Unterstützung oder im Sinne einer Wegweisung und Ermahnung. Dem gemeinsamen – reformierten wie lutherischen – reformatorischen Erbe entsprach die Identifizierung Jesu Christi mit dem Wort Gottes, das uns gesagt werde durch die Heilige Schrift Alten und Neuen Testamentes. Das gilt auch für die Formulierung, Christus allein sei letztlich der geistliche Führer der Kirche. In reformierter Tradition stellte man die vier grundsätzlich gleichwertigen kirchlichen Ämter des Predigers, des Lehrers, des Ältesten und des Diakons heraus, wandte sich gegen ein übergeordnetes Bischofsamt und sprach sich für synodale Leitungsstrukturen aus.

All das war nicht neu, widersprach aber in Vielem den Positionen der Deutschen Christen, die das Führerprinzip in der Kirche einführen wollten und die „nationale Revolution“ als neue Offenbarung oder gute Ordnung Gottes ansahen. Manche Gedanken und sogar einzelne Formulierungen der Düsseldorfer Erklärung fanden sich später in der Barmer Theologischen Erklärung vom Mai 1934 wieder. Mit der nationalsozialistischen Rassenlehre und insbesondere mit der Forderung der Deutschen Christen nach einem Arierparagrafen in der Kirche unvereinbar war die vierte These, wonach Christus als der Heiland der Welt seine Kirche aus allen Völkern beruft.

We need a theological declaration like this today.  We need courage like this today.

Believe it or Not, Some People Didn’t Like Calvin!

I know, weird, right?

That Calvin made many enemies, and could not avoid making them, goes without saying. Like Dante, who thought nothing of putting his own friends among the damned in Inferno, when the requirements of justice demanded it, so Calvin could be inexorably unmerciful whenever he supposed that the honour of God was involved. One who came under the lash of his tongue in a public controversy was wont afterwards to declare that he knew Calvin and Beza well, but that he would rather be in hell with Beza than in heaven with Calvin.

A report of Calvin’s death made multitudes delirious with joy. When a false rumour of this kind got abroad in 1551, a day of thanksgiving was proclaimed in his native place, and a solemn procession of the canons of the cathedral took place. Even Grotius, philosopher as he was, must have had a mortal dislike to Calvin, if he really did say what is placed to his credit, that the spirit of Antichrist had been seen, not on the banks of the Tiber only, but on those of lake Leman.*

________________
*Henry Henderson, Calvin in His Letters (London: J. M. Dent & Company, 1909), 85–86.