Scripture isn’t a Rohrshach test wherein you see what you feel like seeing, you egotistical self absorbed eisegetical narcissists.
Put the Bible down and back away from it. Slowly…
Scripture isn’t a Rohrshach test wherein you see what you feel like seeing, you egotistical self absorbed eisegetical narcissists.
Put the Bible down and back away from it. Slowly…
Um das 6. Jahrhundert v.Chr. traten in verschiedenen Kulturräumen der Welt unabhängig voneinander Philosophen und Propheten auf, die das bisherige mythische Denken überwanden: Konfuzius und Laotse in China, Buddha in Indien, Zarathustra in Persien, die Propheten des Alten Israel und die vorsokratischen Philosophen in Griechenland. Diese Zeit wurde von Karl Jaspers «Achsenzeit» genannt. Jan Assmann beschreibt, wie Historiker und Philosophen seit der Aufklärung die erstaunliche Gleichzeitigkeit der Achsenzeit-Kulturen erklärt und in der Achsenzeit die geistigen Grundlagen der Moderne gesucht haben. Die Annahme einer Achsenzeit der Weltgeschichte wurde so zu einem Gründungsmythos der Moderne. Sie hält einer historischen Überprüfung zwar nicht stand, wie das Buch anschaulich zeigt, aber an das damit verbundene Bestreben, eine eurozentrische Sicht auf die Geschichte zu überwinden, können wir bis heute anknüpfen.
A review copy arrived last month of the prize winning volume. And prize worth it is. Assmann, one of the finest Egyptologists and historians of the 20th and 21st centuries, takes readers on a tour of the history of an idea. But not just an idea, an epochal idea- that of the so called ‘axial age’. How did this idea come to be? What are its predecessors (because nothing just springs to life out of the blue- everything comes from somewhere) and what has it done for our understanding of how history works? These are the basic issues which this wonderfully interesting book addresses.
Assmann begins at the very beginning of the modern historical enterprise: with the 18th century’s Abraham-Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron. His work, dated 1771, laid the foundation for Jasper’s critical work and chances are very good that very few, especially in Biblical studies, have ever heard of him.
Mind you, this isn’t a book restricted to questions of interest only to those who study the history of the Levant. For next, Assmann looks into the theoretical work of Jean-Pierre Abe Remusat, whose primary field of investigation was the Laotian people.
The third chapter is devoted to Hegel’s historical methodology from 1827 and the fourth to Eduard Maximilian Roth’s work from 1846 and 1858. Readers will learn both about historical method and those whose ideas formed the very ideas we take for granted and seldom question. Which is precisely the point. For every theory and every method itself needs to be thoroughly questioned and not merely accepted on blind faith.
The fifth chapter brings into focus the pantheistic notions of Ernst von Lasaulx, an odd man with odd views whose work continues to abide, oddly.
The sixth chapter is, for me, the most interesting. It discusses the work of Victor von Strauss and Torney and their quest for the ‘Urreligion’ which then became the many religions. It also contains a helpful excursus on the views of Rudolf Otto.
Theories in historical methodology abound. The seventh and eighth chapters steep readers in the kettle of John Stuart Stuart-Glennie and Alfred Weber’s notions of the law of history and the synchronization of historical reality.
In chapter nine, the most intricate, the ideas of Karl Jaspers are discussed and dissected. A brief biography of Jaspers and the influences which merged in his ideology are taken in course as well as the development of his belief in an ‘axial age’ as well and the ‘reception history’ of that idea.
Chapters ten through twelve then bring to the fore responses to Jaspers’ notion. In particular, the responses of Eric Voegelin, Shmuel Noah Eisenstadt, and Robert Bellah.
A conclusion of 15 pages pulls the whole together (and should be read very carefully, as it contains the entire argument concisely argued). There are, in conclusion, endnotes, a bibliography, and a person and subject index.
The history of ideas is history. And history is the history of ideas. In this volume, Assmann, the master historian, shows that he is also the master of excavating the very history which underlies ideas. This really is a wonderful book.
But before readers take it in hand, they need to be fully informed about Jaspers’ ‘axial age’. That is the one, and only, prerequisite for fully appreciating this genius volume. To that end, this essay (in Psychology Today) is the ideal introduction to the subject.
Before the Axial transformation, human beings told one another myths and other stories about how they came to be. The stories were not regarded as true or false; rather, their truth did not require questioning. Such was the state of human beings, Jaspers believed, because of a lack a self-reflective, fully conscious self-understanding. Under such conditions, abstract truths matter not.
During the Axial-age, however, some scholars argue that dramatic shifts took place in human thought across four geographically distinct regions of the world: India, China, the Middle East, and Greece.
New ways of thinking emerged that defined the world’s psychological culture for all time since. Jaspers wrote:
What is new about this age…is that man becomes conscious of Being as a whole, of himself and his limitations. He experiences the terror of the world and his own powerlessness. He asks radical questions. Face to face with the void he strives for liberation and redemption. By consciously recognising his limits he sets himself the highest goals.
Etc. Read the essay, and then read the book!
Concerning the second, today is the anniversary of the publication of his sermon titled
“The Perpetual Virginity of Mary the Mother of Jesus Christ our Saviour,” which thesis Zwingli maintained, and thus adds his name to the honoured roll of Protestants who believe that Mary not only never had a second child, but remained an uncorrupted maid. He dedicated the sermon to his brothers who lived at Wildhaus, and published it September 17, 1522. He denies the doctrine of Mary’s intercession, but holds her up for imitation in purity, innocence, and faith. – S.M. Jackson
Given all the stuff he was right about, it’s ok if he’s wrong on a couple.
DBH is halfway there. He’s already a universalist. Next up, he will reject trinitarianism and go full bore UU.
We are watching the evolution of a heretic. DBH now exalts his own sense of things over all other determinative factors. His intellect, he believes, is the judge and jury of every theological matter and the judgment of the church is irrelevant.
Yes, the evolution of a heretic.
W.P. Stephens’ last work before his untimely death was a volume on the theology of Heinrich Bullinger. This work was virtually fully completed save the chapter on the Lord’s Supper and has been edited by Joe Mock and Jim West at the wishes of the author and presents the theology of Bullinger following the same pattern of presentation as Stpehens utilized in his work on the Theology of Huldrych Zwingli. Each major theological topic is treated and fully described.
Get yourself a copy and get several for your friends. Get everyone you know one! It will be the best gift they ever get.
She was a legend. And utterly dependable and honest. The last of her kind in journalism among commentators and pundits. RIP.
Today marks the anniversary of Bullinger’s death. So, to remember the greatest second generation Reformer, here’s a brief biography:
HENRY BULLINGER, the fifth child of Henry Bullinger and Anna Widerkehr, was born on the 18th of July, 1504, at Bremgarten, a small town, of which his father was parish-priest and dean, about ten miles west of Zurich. In his childhood he was preserved several times from imminent perils: once from the plague, and risk of premature interment; again, when by a fall in the street a whistle which was in his hand was driven into his neck; and again, when the enticement of a beggar would have stolen him from his home and friends.
His earliest education was commenced in his fifth year in the school of his native place: but such was his fondness for learning, application, and forwardness, that in his twelfth year, June 11, 1516, his father sent him to a grammar-school at Emmerich on the Rhine. There he continued three years, and made rapid advances, especially in his Latin studies. Meanwhile his pecuniary resources were kept so straitened, that he was obliged to beg for a livelihood from one neighbour’s door to another with singing. This severe discipline his father exercised, not out of necessity, nor from covetousness, but (as he thought) to train his son to moderation in his own habits, and to sympathy with the sufferings of the poor. Nor was this hardship, connected as it was with the superstitious notions of his day, uncongenial with young Bullinger’s own temperament: rather he has left it on record, that he already purposed with himself to become after a few years a Carthusian monk, because it was the most strict of all the orders.
From Emmerich Bullinger was removed to the university of Cologne; and entered July 8, 1519, at the college Bursæ-Montis. There the works of the school-divines, and chiefly of Peter Lombard and Gratian, soon engrossed his attention; and, in the providence of God, were converted into instruments for detaching him from the religion of Rome. For in this course of reading meeting with frequent extracts from the fathers, he felt an earnest desire quickened within him to peruse their entire writings. See Vol. III. p. 57. Accordingly, he solicited and obtained admission to a well-stored library of the Dominicans; and there studied with intense ardour several treatises of Chrysostom, Ambrose, Origen, and Augustine. Simultaneously the earlier tracts of Luther, especially his “Babylonish Captivity” and treatise “On Christian Liberty,” with the “Loci Communes” of Melancthon, came into his hands. He procured for himself also a copy of the New Testament, and devoted days and nights to the perusal of it, with the aid of the Commentaries of Jerome. The result of these pursuits was, that Bullinger’s mind and heart opened gradually to the knowledge and reception of the gospel in its purity.
In this transition state, and having taken his bachelor’s degree in October 1520, and his master’s in February 1522, Bullinger returned in April of the last-mentioned year to his father’s roof at Bremgarten. There he devoted himself to the study of the Bible with still greater eagerness; and joined to it the writings of Athanasius, Cyprian, and Lactantius, and several of Luther’s treatises, especially “On the Abrogation of the Mass,” and “On Vows.” These occupations powerfully promoted, under God, his improved views of christian truth.
But his profiting was not to be for himself only. The Cistercian abbot of Cappel, Wolfgang Joner, since his elevation in 1519, had laboured much to improve the moral and intellectual condition of his convent. Having heard therefore of Bullinger’s excellent character, studiousness, and abilities, he sent an invitation to him early in 1523, to become lecturer and teacher of the monks and other students in his monastery; and as the offer was disconnected with any constraint of vows, profession, or observances, that could interfere with his enlightened conscience, Bullinger consented to enter (17th January) upon the proposed duties. The engagement, however, was a farther development of God’s gracious providence toward him; and as it allowed him to discourse on the holy scriptures, with the writings of the fathers and Erasmus and Melancthon, it was a signal means to himself and his hearers of advancement in sound christian doctrine, notwithstanding severe oppositions even to the risk of life. Six years were passed by Bullinger in this useful retirement; where also he composed, principally for his own practice and improvement, more than fifty treatises, mostly on religious topics: of which the larger part remained in manuscript; but some were either published afterwards, or incorporated in his later writings, or distributed among his friends.
During the same interval Bullinger formed an intimate acquaintance with Zwingli and Leo Judæ, and was much influenced by the religious sentiments of the former, especially on the subject of the eucharist. Indeed, in the end of June 1527, he obtained from his abbot leave of absence for five months, to attend Zwingli’s lectures at Zurich; where also he availed himself of the opportunity to perfect his acquaintance with Hebrew and Greek literature.
In December of the same year, the senate of Zurich deputed Bullinger to accompany Zwingli to the important disputation at Berne. On his return he was prevailed on to undertake the pastoral office; and preached his first sermon on Sunday, June 21, 1528, at the village of Husen, near Cappel.
A new sphere of usefulness now opened on Bullinger; and, yielding to the advice of his relatives and patron, and to the solicitations of the inhabitants, he went back to Bremgarten, June 1, 1529, and by incessant preachings and expositions there and in neighbouring places greatly furthered the spreading cause of the Reformation. On the 17th of August he was united in marriage in the church of Birmenstorf, a small village near Bremgarten, by his brother John, the curè, to Anne Adlischweiler, to whom he had been pledged during his visit to Zurich two years previously, and who had formerly been a nun in the convent of Œtenbach, where daughters of the first families in Zurich were received. During the two years of this residence at Bremgarten, Bullinger composed some of his Commentaries on parts of holy Scripture; and disputed in public often, and largely wrote against the prevailing errors of the anabaptists.
In consequence of the disastrous defeat of the protestant confederates at Cappel, October 11, 1531, Bullinger was compelled to remove with his family and parents into Zurich for safety. There he settled on the 21st of November; and on the 9th of December following (at the same time that the senate of Bale applied for him as successor to Œcolampadius, and the senate of Berne solicited him for a pastor) he was appointed by the authorities of Zurich to supply the vacancy in the preachership of their cathedral, which had been created by the melancholy death of Zwingli. In this important post Bullinger continued for the remainder of his long life, labouring with most assiduous diligence and wide-spread influence. For several years, from 1531 to 1538, his preachings were daily, sometimes twice in the day; his publications, of which many were suggested by passing events, were voluminous and frequent; his pastoral and synodical, civil and ecclesiastical, engagements were unceasing and very various; his correspondence was exceedingly extensive and critical: and his house was always open, and his interpositions ready to shelter and befriend especially refugees from every country where religious persecution raged. And during the protracted efforts to effect a reconciliation between the Lutherans and the church of Zurich on the sacramentarian question, his moderation and sincerity were eminently conspicuous.
In the middle of January 1536 Bullinger was deputed with Leo Judæ to attend the conference of deputies from all the Swiss reformed churches at Basle. There he assisted in drawing up the first Helvetic Confession of Faith, and commenced a personal acquaintance with Calvin. His hospitalities also were liberally experienced at Zurich by Englishmen, John Butler, Nicolas Partridge, and William Woodroofe, in the month of August of the same year. Bartholomew Traheron joined them in September of the year following.
A fatal plague in 1541 deprived Bullinger of his aged mother (August 16) and one of his sons (September 30); and in the next year, of his beloved colleague Leo Judæ (June 19), in the midst of his invaluable labours on the Biblia Tigurina. The preface to this translation, which Bibliander had principally completed, was written by Bullinger in February 1543.
In his extant diary Bullinger has marked March 29, 1547, as the day when Hooper and his wife, in their exile, accomplished their long-cherished desire of visiting him; and March 24, 1549, when they left him for England with their daughter Rachel, his god-child. In the end of May of the last-mentioned year also Calvin and Farell came to Bullinger, and a “consensus” or agreement was completed on the subject of the Lord’s supper, between the churches of Geneva and Zurich. At the same instant, as appeared by various decrees in the year following, the whole weight of the papal party, imperial and ecclesiastical, was combining to condemn Bullinger and all his writings. But nothing turned him aside from his steady course of usefulness; and early in 1554 the largest influx of English refugees enjoyed his sympathy and interest. Among them were Parkhurst, Jewel, Horn, Pilkington, Lever, Humphrey, and Cole. Italian exiles from Locarno also sought and obtained like shelter in Zurich, through his interventions, in the spring of the year following.
From 1556 to 1564 Bullinger’s time and exertions were largely and painfully consumed in combating the errors of Joachim Westphalus, Stancari, George Blandrata, Brentius, and Ochin: while in the last-mentioned year a pestilence deprived him of his wife, and his second daughter, married to Lavater; and in the year following, of two other daughters,—his eldest, the wife of Zwingli jun.; and his third, who had married Josiah Simler. By the same plague he had himself also been brought to the brink of the grave; and not long after his sufferings from the stone commenced, which embittered the remainder of his days. Notwithstanding declining health, family bereavements, and public trials, however, Bullinger’s manifold labours continued unabated; and in the year 1571 he exerted himself most indefatigably in relieving his destitute country people during a very grievous famine.
Early in October 1574, his last and fatal disorder attacked him. In the first instance, indeed, the severity of the seizure yielded so far to the remedies that were applied, that he was able to resume his public duties. But the disease returned on the 24th of May in the year following with excruciating violence, and lasted until the 17th of September: when, after exhibiting a bright example of christian patience, and having taken a touching personal farewell of all his colleagues, and written a letter to the senate of Zurich, to be delivered after his decease—(one object of which was to commend to them Rudolph Gualter as his successor),—he expired, in the exercise of much prayer and in the peace of the gospel, in the 71st year of his age.
His remains were deposited in the cathedral of Zurich, amid the sincere and lively regrets of all classes of his townspeople.*
*The Decades of Henry Bullinger: The Fifth Decade. (T. Harding, Ed.) (pp. vii–xiv).